It has managed our political training as amark

With the return of the State in the economy, the postponement of the reform of high school and the caution shown on teachers-researchers and hospital, Nicolas Sarkozy appeared to be watched, in the first months of the crisis, by a cautious "chiraquisation" to the antipodes of his speeches.

The addition of the texts which, finally, have been adopted in recent weeks the exactly opposite impression. Act on Sunday work, change of status of the position, reform of vocational training, determination to stand firm on the autonomy of the universities and to reduce the size of the public service even in Education: the Government continued to dig his liberal Groove. Assuming the openly: Luc Chatel, the spokesman for the Government, welcomed last week "new freedom" after (almost total) constitutional approval of the law on the work of the Sunday.

In this reform concern, there is not only the result of a battle between étatistes-rollers (Henri Guaino, who would influence the head of State) and modernisers-rigorous François Fillon (Bercy): there is a conviction, deeply rooted in Nicolas Sarkozy, could not be re-elected in 2012 with a strong track record to his credit. A fortiori when it is known that his main campaign promise - "work more to earn more" n ' has more chance of being held in the medium term. Where its almost ideological commitment to stand firm on its other campaign promises that are the replacement of a staff member on two starting retirement, even if the action remains unpopular; reduced VAT recovery, even though experts expect little job creation. the reform of the tax, even if it opens a tax puzzle; and labour Sunday, even if the device is less ambitious than in the first place. "It has managed our political training as a"mark"...". "The work of the Sunday will be the"mark"of a political family who assumes his beliefs", explained the UMP elected at the beginning of July.

These sites have an obvious part of risk. We saw the frond of UMP deputies on Sunday work. The President of the Republic would be also deprived of a nice "hit" policy for National Education. He would have abandoned to appoint the head of the Ministry Richard Descoing, the media pattern of Sciences po, it having posed as a condition more than flexibility on the issue of the public workforce. Nicolas Sarkozy did not intend, preferring to keep his political "marker" that expand its yet valuable range of personalities "of openness."

Is that the Executive - without saying - the calculation that these political embarrassment is not much compared to the opportunities that open in the social field. The crisis caused some great days of action in the spring but behind this veil, everything happens as if economic prospects and diffuse fear in the employed population were coupled with a form of conducive to reform social paralysis. The modernization of the post barely moves the unions which, at other times, would not fail to denounce the "privatization" rampant in the public sector; Sunday work further shaken the UMP elected mobilized those left.

At mid-term, Nicolas Sarkozy is to constitute a catalogue of reforms, with three heads of chapter: on campaign promises, the emergency crisis (plan Bank, stimulus, and large loan to come to finance future investments) and the "new building" territorial communities, justice, and the debate on the age of retirement. Three heads of chapters, and three perfectly borne political advantages. The French elected Nicolas Sarkozy to act, he therefore never give the feeling to be won by the immobilization. Multiply the building allows him to eventually lift the foot on one of them if the situation required, without prejudice to the General movement. Finally, it is the head of the State how best to continue muddying - Nicolas Sarkozy is the "étatiste" of the speech of Toulon or "liberal" of the work of Sunday - and to keep the opposition in the State of disarray in which it is immersed for two years and a half.